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MAHZOR YANNAI

TEXTS AND STUDIES OF THE JEWISH
THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY OF AMERICA

Vol. I-II. Geonica by Louis Ginzberg.
I, the Geonim and Their Halakic Writings;
II, Genizah Studies, N. Y., 1909, 8°, xii ee

Yerushalmi Fragments from the Genizah. Vol. I,
Texts with Various Readings from the Editio
Princeps, edited by Louis Ginzberg.

1909, 4°, vi+372 +1x pp

Sepher Shaashuim. A Book of Mediaeval Lore
by Joseph Ben Meir Ibn Zabara. Edited by
Israel Davidson, N. Y., 1914, 8°, cxxix + [6]
+ 197+vii pp $2.00

Saadia’s Polemic against Hiwi Al-Balkhi. By
Israel Davidson, N. Y., 1915, 8°, 104 pp. .$1.00

Mahzor Yannai. A Liturgical Work of the
VIIth Century, edited from Genizah fragments,
with notes and introduction by Israel Davidson,
and with additional notes by Louis Ginzberg.
N. Y., 1919, 8°, xlix+55+ivpp ... . $2.00

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MAHZOR YANNAI, WRITING OF THE XITH CENTURY
Underneath Aquila’s Greek Translation of the Bible in a VIth century MS.

(From Taylor’s “Cairo Genizah Palimpsests’”’)

WO Certs and Studies of the
Fewish Cheological Seminary of America
Vol. VI

MAHZOR YANNAI

A Liturgical Work of the VIIth Century

EDITED FROM
GENIZAH FRAGMENTS

WITH NOTES AND INTRODUCTION
BY
ISRAEL DAVIDSON

PROFESSOR OF MEDIAEVAL HEBREW LITERATURE
JEWISH THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY OF AMERICA

and additional notes by

Louis Ginzberg

PROFESSOR OF TALMUD JEWISH THEOLOGICAL
SEMINARY OF AMERICA

NEW YORK

THE JEWISH THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY
OF AMERICA

1919

THE:*PLIMPTON* PRESS
NORWOOD:MASS*U:S8°?A

TO THE MEMORY OF

WOLF HEIDENHEIM
(1757-1832)
Foremost critical expounder of the
Fewish liturgy.

PREFACE

THE texts, edited for the first time in this
volume, represent the remains of a large work of
religious poetry, composed for every Sabbath of
the year and grouped about the weekly portions
of the Pentateuch, according to the divisions of
the Triennial Cycle. The importance of these
compositions for the history of mediaeval Jewish
liturgy lies not only in their being the residue of a
work lost for many centuries and up to recent times
entirely unknown, but also in the fact, that through
them we are able to get a clearer idea of the rise
and the development of the liturgical poetry
known as Piyyut. Yannai, the author of these
religious poems, flourished in the seventh century
and is, therefore, next to Yose ben Yose, the oldest
Payyetan. He is also reputed to have been the
teacher of Kalir, the best known of all mediaeval
liturgists.

Like so many other literary treasures brought
to light in recent times, these poems were found
in the Cairo Genizah, discovered by Dr. Schechter.
Facsimiles of these manuscripts, which happened
to be palimpsests, were published as long ago as
1897 and 1900 by two well-known English scholars,
F. Crawford Burkitt and Charles Taylor. Owing,
however, to the fact that the scholarly world was
interested mainly in the lower writing of the

Vv

vi PREFACE

manuscripts which comprised parts of Aquila’s
Greek translations of the Bible, the nature of the
upper writing in Hebrew and the identity of the
author were not recognized until now.

In identifying and presenting these Hebrew
texts to the public, I not only experience the
pleasure of contributing an important page to
the history of Jewish literature, but I also have
the feeling that it will serve as a striking illus-
tration of the great importance of the Genizah
as a source for Jewish history and literature.

A generation has nearly gone by since the Cairo
Genizah was rescued from oblivion. And though
many great contributions to Jewish lore were
made by the discoverer of the Genizah and his
followers, still no scientific body or individual
Maecenas has as yet appeared, willing to make the
treasures of the Genizah accessible to the scholarly
world at large. Well cared for as these manu-
scripts are in the great libraries of England, their
usefulness is nevertheless very limited as long as
they remain shelved. Innumerable documents
of the greatest importance in all departments
of Jewish literature are waiting to be deciphered,
elucidated and published. If this vast mass of
documents were made accessible so that scholars
the world over could consult them in their studies,
Jewish historiography would be revolutionized;
many obscure periods would be illumined and
many difficulties solved. Let this volume serve
as an illustration. If the two English scholars
had not published the facsimiles, the Mahzor of

PREFACE Vil

Yannai would very likely have remained unknown
for many more years to come.

Of course it would be too sanguine on the part
of any individual investigator to entertain the
hope, that by his own efforts he could bring about
a wide-spread interest in this field of inquiry.
But if by any chance, this modest contribution
should, in the least way, help towards arousing
a greater interest in the Genizah MSS. on the part
of our leaders in Jewry, the editor would feel more
than amply rewarded for his labors.

Aside from the texts of the palimpsests I have
incorporated in this volume a poem of Yannai
from the valuable collection of Genizah MSS. in
the library of Mr. E. N. Adler, who very gener-
ously placed the original manuscript at my dis-
posal.

Through the kind offices of Dr. L. D. Barnett I
obtained a photograph of the British Museum
MS., Or. 6197, to which Dr. A. Marmorstein called
my attention. The photograph reached me when
the Hebrew part of this volume was already in
type, but as it turned out to be only an incom-
plete text of the poem printed below on pages 41
and 42, I was able to embody the variants in a
supplementary note on page 42.

In addition to the Genizah fragments it was also
deemed advisable to gather here the few liturgical
compositions of Yannai which have already been
published previously. For the text of the Kerobah
of the Great Sabbath use has been made not only
of the Sabionetta and Venice editions, but also

Vill PREFACE

of three MSS. in the Jewish Theological Seminary.
One is the Mahzor MS. described by H. Gross in
the Zeitschrift fur Hebraische Bibliographie, XI, 169
et seq. which will be designated as MS. A; the
second is a MS. of Yozerot, designated as MS. B;
and the third, designated as MS. C, is a Mahzor
bearing the date of 1279 in the colophon.

I take this opportunity of thanking my friend
and colleague, Professor Alexander Marx, for
calling my attention to these MSS., as well as for
giving me a number of valuable suggestions and
references. To my friend and colleague, Professor
Louis Ginzberg, I am under even greater obligation
for having enriched this volume with his vast
erudition, in the form of additional notes to the
text. JI am also indebted to Mr. J. George Dob-
sevage for his kind services in seeing the book
through the press. In conclusion I wish to thank
Dr. Cyrus Adler and the other members of the
Board of Directors of the Jewish Theological
Seminary of America for having made this publi-
cation possible.

LD;
New York, March 13, 1919.

CONTENTS

PAGE
BRIER AGE ge tiie cis SI ste cas Saree atte tata ae er NS Mi Vv
INTRODUCTION
i) Yanniatiin) Modern Research 22).%.0< .../s 5+ sete 1X
2) he Rise of the Didactic Piyyut of 6 hl ws XIV
3. The Cryptic Language of the Piyyut........... XIX
4. Yannai’s Liturgical Compositions as a Source for
Fell alice anny pater eA seg MO UO ath XX
5. Yannai’s Mahzor and the Triennial Cycle...... XXI
6. The Causes of the Neglect of Yannai’s Com-
DOLSTICS TETSU) primar Us Lato ce le FO ele Ra XXIV
PEM earinatranie? IaliG Ai enema Uke ee eles, Soe XXV
8. The Structure of Yannai’s Kerobot..........-.: XXV1
9g. Yannai’s Kerobah for the Great Sabbath....... XXXIV
10. The Fragments of Mahzor Yannal............. XXXVIII
11. The Contents, Diction and Orthography of the
raginemes tae Okc sete aarp teases del sie xl
12. Texts Relating to Yannai, Arranged Chronolo-
(257071 | Rignhcaein eve Tatan othe AUS Cas Cee Nae EGS LA xiii

Hesrew Texts aND NOTES............... i-iv and 1-55

Mish 4

AN
67 UR
\ ¢

INTRODUCTION
1. Yannat in Modern Research

Few men in Jewish literature have met with a
fate such as befell the ancient Payyetan Yannai.
Though undoubtedly of considerable prominence
in his own day, and though well known and held
in great esteem even as late as the tenth century,}
his works seem to have passed out of use in very
early times, so that he became merely a name.
In the course of centuries even his name disap-
peared from the annals of Jewish history, and we
look in vain for any record concerning him in the
writings of the mediaeval chroniclers such as
Sherira Gaon, Abraham b. David, Zacuto and
others. It is only within the last century that
his name was rescued from oblivion.

It was Rapoport who first drew attention to
the record of an ancient Payyetan by the name of
Yannai found in the Shibbale Halleket of Zede-
kiah b. Abraham Anaw.? In that ritual code,
which was still in manuscript at that time, he
found a responsum of R. Gershom, where Yannai
is mentioned before Kalir and is described as
“one of the ancient sages who composed Kerobot
for every order of the year.” ‘“‘But who is this

1 Comp. below, sect. 12, H.

2 In his Biography of Kalir, note 19 (y’m23 1829, 111).

3 Comp. below, sect. 12, H.
ix

x MAHZOR YANNAI

Yannai,”’ exclaimed Rapoport, “and where else
is he mentioned ?”’ 4

A dozen years later,’ while engaged in his con-
troversy with Luzzatto about the time and
place of Kalir, Rapoport brought forth the ad-
ditional information given him by Zunz, that in
a certain liturgical manuscript, a note, emanating
perhaps from Ephraim of Bonn, was added to the
Kerobah pmnem “yp cnx, recited on the “Great
Sabbath,” saying, that it was the composition of
Yannai, the teacher of Kalir.6 As to the poem
itself, Zunz pointed out that it was written in
rime and had the alphabet and the name “x in
acrostic.? Some time later, Luzzatto made the
assertion that the piyyut nxban ops ants, which is
printed in some rituals by itself and in others
together with onam~wesny, is likewise the com-
position of Yannai.’ This assertion, based on
internal evidence,? was later corroborated by
Zunz with evidence from an old manuscript,
where this poem is clearly ascribed to Yannai.!°

4 Biog. of Kalir, loc. cit. 5 spn or, VI (1841), 25.

§ Comp. below, sect. 12, I.

7 nn, ibid.; Literaturgeschichte, 28.

8 sy~dymx amp, Leghorn, 1856, 10.

9 The evidence is that the pp, or completing stanza, of
the Kerobah mnam “wa cnx, beginning 7) 7728? px °2 123) fits
in well with the refrain noon -sna°m of the Piyyut oD3 39 1s.
Rapoport upheld Luzzatto in this opinion (1397 1863, 23).
In my article on Yannai (J. Q. R., New Series, I, 107,
note 8), 1 doubted Yannai’s authorship of this poem. But
I shall show later that there can be no doubt on this subject.
The one is an integral part of the other.

a0 \ Trg. 28, note 4.

INTRODUCTION xl

All this added information, however, was not
sufficient to establish definitely the time and place
of Yannai. And although Rapoport justly de-
tected the influence of Palestine in the peculiar
way in which the name of Yannai was spelt in
the acrostic," he nevertheless clung to his theory
that Kalir, and hence his teacher Yannai, flourished
in Italy sometime during the second half of the
tenth century.”

In 1853, however, it was pointed out by Dukes,
that Yannai was mentioned by Jehudi b. Sheshet,
a) pupil’ of Dunash b.Labrat; and: m 1879
Harkavy brought to light the fact that Kirkisani,
the Karaite contemporary of Saadia Gaon, men-
tioned Yannai in his book of laws.* Later on he
found two other passages in the same work of
Kirkisani where Yannai is mentioned,” and in
wuxnpp Saadia himself makes mention of our
poet.° Again, in a fragment of an anonymous
work on the art of poetry, coming from the time
of Saadia, published by the late Doctor Schechter,
“the poetic compositions of the celebrated Yan-
nai” are cited as an example of rimed prose.!’
In another composition of similar antiquity an

11 That is*s, not*xr. Cf. 77> VI, 26.

122 75, VI, 19, §8: “mann wowN2 972wWN N79 TY WT wT Ay.

13 mortp 5m3, Hannover, 1853, 2. Comp. also below, sect.
12.0:

4 39m, vol. 23, p. 359. Comp. also below, sect. 12, A.

15 FYyDI7 N91, pp. 107-108. Comp. below, sect. 12, B, C.

16 [bid., p. 51; also below, sect. 12, D.

17 Comp. below, sect. 12, G.

Xil MAHZOR YANNAI

anonymous poet eulogizes the head of the acad-
emy by saying that “the law of God was music to
him and Yannai and Kalir were his garden and
palace. **

All these data point to a much earlier period
than the tenth century and from the fact that
Kirkisani asserts that Anan, the founder of Kara-
ism, made use of Yannai’s liturgy Cx» f3NIN) as a
source for his Halaka,!® it has become the ac-
cepted opinion that Yannai must have flourished
not later than the second half of the seventh
century.”°

Incidentally, this remark of Kirkisani carried
with it also the implication that Yannai had
composed an independent liturgical work, as the
expression “xx 73x could not be taken in any
other sense. This assumption gained strength
from an ancient Book List, found in the Genizah
and published by Poznansky in 1903, for in that
list a book by the name of ‘xy fxm is actually
recorded.2. On the other hand, the two new
poems ascribed to Yannai which were discovered

18 Ibid., F. According to Mann (J. Q. R., New Series, [X,
pp. 154-155) Yannai is mentioned at the very beginning of
this fragment, taking the expression "x3 “Bx (Saadyana, p. 66,
]. 1) as a poetical metaphor for ‘sx mn.

1 bid ase:

20 Comp. Harkavy myo 31 21 106; Brody (Jewish En-
cyc., XII, 586) puts him as early as the first half of the
seventh century. Elbogen (Der jud. Gottesdienst, 309) places
him circa 700.

ah QO R:.; XV5977, Nos 12:

INTRODUCTION xii

by Wertheimer and published by him in 1go1,”
even if genuine, point only to the possible ex-
istence of other compositions by Yannai, but are
no proof in themselves of the existence of a dis-
tinct and comprehensive liturgical work by that
ancient poet. But in rg1o it was my good for-
tune to discover a fragment which actually con-
tained quotations from Mahzor Yannai.¥ This
fragment, in addition to giving us the beginnings
of four unknown poems by Yannai,” established
the fact beyond any doubt that at one time there
existed a Mahzor of Yannai.

Withal, our information in regard to this Mahzor
remained scant. There was no indication either
of its extent or its nature. The statement of
Rabbi Gershom that Yannai composed Kerobot
for every order of the year was in itself not suf-
ficiently clear,* and Kirkisani’s statement that

2 novi, I] (Jerusalem 1901) 18b and 19a. They were
published from a MS. which he had sold to Oxford (Neu-
bauer, Cat. IT, 2708 r).

% Comp. J. Q. R., N.S., Vol. 1, 105 ez seq.

* These are: 1) ‘nh 223 poo’ > ON; 2) mp Psy cme. NIPAD IN;
3) moan paanmmnp nowy; 4) ims prnonbsdx. In the article
mentioned in the preceding note (loc. cit., p. 108) the fourth
poem was overlooked. Correct also statement of Elbogen
(I.c., 310).

% Note,- for instance, the conclusions which: Graetz and
Elbogen have reached in reference to Yannai’s literary ac-
tivity. The former states (Geschichte, V, 165) that Yannai
wrote Kerobot for the Special Sabbaths, and the latter main-
tains (/.c., 309) that he wrote Kerobot for Festivals, and both
base their opinions upon this passage.

XIV MAHZOR YANNAI

Yannai’s liturgical work was used by Anan as a
source for his Halaka only made the problem more
complicated.

With the publication of the texts in this vol-
ume, however, all difficulties are cleared up. It
will be seen, first of all, that Yannai was a pro-
lific writer, for the fragments of his Mahzor give
evidence that this was a work of very large scope.
It will also be seen that his compositions are sui
generis, unlike those of Kalir, or his followers.
Moreover, it will be shown that he preceded Kalir
in developing the structure of the Kerobah, and in
this respect he may truly be regarded as the
teacher of Kalir. Finally, it will be shown from
these texts that the theory of Yannai’s Palestinian
origin is the one most acceptable.

Nothing is known of Yannai’s life or his an-
cestry; even his father’s name is unknown. Like
all the ancient Payyetanim he must have been a
Hazan, and to judge from the abundance of allu-
sions to Talmud and Midrash found in his compo-
sitions he must have been well versed in Rabbinic
lore.

2. The Rise of the Didactic Piyyut

While it is not within the province of this study
to deal with the rise of the Piyyut in general,
I may be permitted, by way of introduction, to
state briefly the conclusions to which Jewish
scholarship has come on this point after a century
of research. It is no longer doubted that Pales-
tine was the cradle of the Piyyut. It is also no

ENTER OD Ue TION XV

longer a matter of dispute that the development
from the simple form of the older liturgy to the
highly artificial diction and construction of the
Kaliric type was a slow and gradual process,
extending over several centuries, and that it did
not spring suddenly into being as a result of the
spread of Islam and Arabic culture.% It is not
denied that the diffusion of Arabic learning and
poetry gave an impetus to the development of
the Piyyut, but it is quite certain that the Piyyut
was in process of development long before Islam
swayed the East. This much is accepted as
certain.”

What is still in need of further elucidation is
the question concerning the influences which
shaped the development of the Piyyut. What
were the forces that changed the simple liturgy

% In his essay “Die Anfange der neuhebraischen Poesie”
(M. G. W. J., Vol. 8, pp. 401-413; Vol. 9, pp. 19-29, 57-69)
as well as in his History (Geschichte, Vol. 54, pp. 161-167),
Graetz maintains that the development of the Piyyut de-
pended largely on the spread of Arabic culture among the
Jews. He laid too much emphasis on the statement of
Saadia ibn Danan that before Kalir rime was unknown in
Hebrew poetry: 9137 397 ‘117-389 °3 snNSMI TIT Nw|M snwpa 7331,
*1SNOND OWI 39 wows Nor yTt xd $7 yop 879 (Edelman, ana mon,
Konigsberg, 1856, p. xviii) and made all his data subordi-
nate to the view that the Jews borrowed the rime from the
Arabs, as if it were a mathematical axiom. As a matter
of fact, Zunz had already pointed out a greater antiquity for
the rime (G. V. p. 392, note b), though the contact with
the Arabs may have brought it into greater vogue.

27 Comp. Elbogen, Der judische Gottesdienst, pp. 281-282,
285-286; Eppenstein in M. G. W. J., vol. 52, pp. 465-466.

Xvi MAHZOR YANNAI

to the highly complex hymn and the lucid
Biblical phraseology to the artificial diction?
The complexity of construction may perhaps be
explained by ascribing it to the influence of Syriac
poetry,” but it has never been convincingly shown
why men like Kalir, who had such wonderful
mastery of the Hebrew language, should have
chosen to clothe their thoughts in cryptic language.

A solution to this problem may, however, be
derived from the accounts which have come down
to us from the Middle Ages concerning the rise
of the Piyyut. In the Sepher ha-Pardes ascribed
to Rashi there is a statement by Joseph Ibn Plat
in the name of his ancestor Benjamin b. Samuel
of Constantinople, or Kastoria, that the Piyyut
arose at a time when learning was on the decline,
and that it formed a sort of substitute for the
Midrash. While it is difficult to see how it is
possible to connect the decline of learning with
the progress of the Piyyut,—for the nature of the
Piyyut presupposes a vast amount of erudition
both on the part of the Payyetan and on that of
his audience, — there is no reason to doubt that at

28 Comp. Zunz, Litg., pp. 23-24.

29 The passage reads: >xioy 773 pos [9 37 Wupr ETT TY,
sow Is NOD ON wD ADD ADIN AM yawd m7 wypwa ax O7pr cmDIpA
wuid pipes may myo [Apan AST] Apna St Wav “por wD? Ny LITT?
@nsyn yer [manp] (ran ome, Warsaw, 1870, No. 174). The
corrections in brackets are those of Epstein in M. G. W. J.,
Vol. 44, p. 295, who is also responsible for the statement that
Joseph ibn Plat is the author of this passage. Graetz, citing
this passage in his essay (M. G. W. J., Vol. 9, p. 24), ascribes
it to R. Isaac Halevi.

INTRODUCTION XVII

one time in the history of the Synagogue service
the Piyyut took the place of the Midrash.

Again, in disputing the rights of the Piyyutim
to interrupt the regular prayers, R. Judah b.
Barzillai Albargeloni in his Sepher ha-Ittim, puts
forth as a reason for his view the fact that the
Piyyutim were originally instituted only in times
of persecution. *; [here was\a\ time,’ he: says;
“when the Jews were forbidden by their op-
pressors to engage in the study of the Law. The
learned men among them, therefore, introduced
the custom of mentioning in the course of the
prayers the laws of the festivals and the laws of
the Sabbath and religious observance and ex-
horting the common people in regard to them,
by means of hymns, thanksgivings, rimes and
Piyyutim.” *°

This passage was extracted and published by
Halberstam as long ago as 1870,*! when the Sepher
ba-Ittim was still in manuscript; and while
Halberstam justly connected the persecution men-
tioned by Albargeloni with the edict of Justinian
against the study of “Deuterosis,” *? he failed to

30 sinba sown nywa sos [owr|an] wpns gow sox xmas N35 xm
pipy>? now Sxnem Sy NA pan yD mn sat amd por yn gow pp
spyd wimnds pon? mbann $593 ond pspna wrsaw mesnnt yn 3 Sys ans
minay Ja Mryan papa minaw mada paw oo mdm ana ann mas payn
myrar min nem (anya po Krakau, 1902, p. 252).

31 Comp. Kobak, 1, Vol. 6, p. 130. It was also printed
by Koronel among other extracts from the Sepher ha-Ittim
in his 33 121 (Vienna, 1872, fol. 1322).

82 Comp. Graetz, Geschichte, Vol. 54, pp. 410-413; Heb.
Translation, Vol. 3, p. 32 and p. 400, note 124.

XVIil MAHZOR YANNAI

emphasize the real import of this passage for the
history of the liturgy.** As far as I am able to
ascertain, Eppenstein was the first to hit upon
the real significance of this passage, when he cited
it as a proof that at a certain period in the history
of the Synagogue services the Hazan took over
the function of the Darshan; in other words, that
in addition to the purely devotional Piyyut, there
came into existence also the didactic or Halakic
Piyyut.** But he also did not take full advantage
of his own interpretation of the passage and did
not draw any further conclusions from it. To me,
however, it appears that in the light of these two

33 Halberstam concludes his article with the following
words: }83 PN)] D72N) O73 PANT? ws Der 3pD OITA AK ba snpnyn,
[oma (re, ibid., p. 130).

3 Comp. M. G. W. J., Vol. 52, p. 467. It is strange, how-
ever, that in the entire paragraph on Die Entwickelung der
synagogalen Poesie, he does not cite the passage from the
Pardes which expressly supports his theory in the words:
PyyT Pras mamp ew ope. ney. Another striking support of
this theory is to be found in the Arukh. S.v. snp, the Arukh
explains the Midrashic passage “7p ™N7 NOX ,2217 Npas 529 ID
pyvp) ap “amt (Pesikta, ed. Buber, 179a according to MS.
Oxford) with the words jp jw ,tawa bya wpa bya “eB. = To
this Benjamin Musafia adds the remark ‘pa ws 72 "D378
mon bys oss. According to Kohut (ad loc.) the Greek word
from which Musafia derives 3p is dxpiBys. Now, whether
we accept Musafia’s etymology or not, the fact remains that
2? was taken to signify “one versed in the law,” and as a
matter of fact in our edition of Lev. R. 30, and in Buber’s
text of the Pesikta (/.c.) the word 3p is substituted by jw.

Additional proof from the mvn printed here for the first
time, will be brought below in sect. 9

INTRODUCTION X1x

passages many things which formerly seemed not
a little puzzling may now be made clear and
intelligible.

3. The Cryptic Language of the Piyyut

First of all, we find in these two passages a
plausible reason why the early Payyetanim broke
away from the simplicity of language which marks
the “Stammgebete.”” If we grant that the early
Payyetanim had to introduce Halakic discourses
and Midrashic homilies into the body of the
prayers and at the same time had to guard against
detection from the outside, we realize at once why
they chose to speak in hints and allusions. One
is strongly reminded of the secret epistle sent to
Raba of Mahuza informing him of the fixing of
the Calendar in the reign of Constantine II and
the co-emperor Gallus (353 C.E.). “A pair came
from Rakkath” — so reads the letter according
to the Talmudic tradition — “and an eagle caught
them, and they had with them the things that are
made in Luz. But by the mercy of God and their
own merits they escaped. When the offspring of
Nahshon wished to appoint a prefect, the Edomite
would not permit them. But the members of the
assemblies gathered together and appointed a
prefect in the month in which Aaron the Priest
died.” * This reads like a cipher, yet it was still
understood by R. Hananeel in the rth century,

85 b. Sanhedrin 127. The phrase n?2n 173 ‘x2 is undoubtedly
a marginal gloss explaining 173 pwyin om37 which crept into
the text.

Xx MAHZOR YANNAT

who deciphered it as follows: * “Two messengers
were sent from Tiberias; on the way they were
held up by some Roman official, but due to their
observance of the laws of ‘fringes,’ they escaped.
The Patriarch desired to make the year a leap-
year at the regular time, but as the government
did not permit, they decided in the month of Ab
to make the following year a leap-year.” *7_ Even
Prayers couched in cryptic language are not rare
in Talmudic literature,** but the above passage is
sufficient to show that the method of speaking in
allusions was already in use in early times. The
Payyetanim therefore have merely adapted an
old method to new conditions.

4. Yannai’s Liturgical Compositions as a Source

for Halaka

Then again, from the testimony of the Karaite
Kirkisani, we know that Anan, the founder of
Karaism, drew in two instances upon the Piyyutim
of Yannai for his legal sources.*° How can we

36 Comp. >x2n 9 ad. loc., also Wy s.v. #°, and ‘7w ad loc.

37 [ follow R. Hananeel ad Joc. 28 wana miwn wy DANA AIT
own’ mwn weionp; comp. also Rashi ad loc. prin ssap Ne?K
saya peye. Graetz (Gesch., Vol. 4, p. 343) assumes that they
intercalated the month of Ab. Comp. also ibid., p. 491.
For similar forms of speech in Talmud, comp. b. Erubin 53°
49) JD2 NPI My an TION naan Nw ynwa MAID DIT NNT; also
Moed Katon 9°.

38 Comp. Jawitz, mex paren, in Hoffman’s Festschrift,
pp. 69-71.

39 Comp. below, sect. 12, B, C.

INTRODUCTION XXI

explain this unless we say that, in addition to in-
spiring his audience with religious devotion, the
function of the Payyetan was also to expound the
laws in his poems.

Ingenious as this theory is and clear though
the statements of Albargeloni and Joseph ibn
Plat read, we nevertheless have had no positive
evidence until now that there were Piyyutim
which were Halakic to a large extent. Kalir’s
compositions do occasionally treat of laws, but
they are overwhelmingly Agadic in character.
An argument from the Azharot would not be to
the point since they form a class by themselves,
and the legal nature of the later Piyyutim, such,
for instance, as Joseph Tob Elem’s,*® are likewise
no proof, since they also are only sporadic. The
fragments of Yannai’s Mahzor, however, give us
for the first time positive support of this theory and
do away with all doubt on the subject, for the
Halakic nature of the Piyyutim in these fragments
is self-evident.

5. Yannat’s Mabzor and the Triennial Cycle

From the way in which these fragmentary
poems are grouped around the Biblical sections, we
can see that the work in its complete state must
have formed a sort of Halakic Midrash to the
Pentateuch in poetic form. This is in thorough
agreement with the statement of R. Gershom that

40 Comp. e.g., the Piyyut masnn> ona sax for the Great
Sabbath.

XXil MAHZOR YANNAI

Yannai wrote Kerobot for each weekly portion

of the Bible.“t | Mark the expression 71017710 53>.
He does not say navynaw 52%, in which case the
theme of the Kerobot might have been purely
devotional. R. Gershom undoubtedly means to
imply that the theme of each Kerobah was taken
from the Biblical portion of the week. This is
borne out by our fragments which comprise the
remnant of seven Kerobot, grouped about seven
different weekly portions of the Bible, beginning
with the following verses: Leviticus 13:29, 14:1,
14:33, 1621/1525, 20:1; 22:17.. Viewed trom) the
point of the annual cycle, five of these verses
form the middle of the sections yro yn and px,
and therefore could not have been taken as head-
ings for Kerobot. But here, again, the theory
of Yannai’s Palestinian origin comes to our assist-
ance. For, on examining the divisions of the
Sedarim in the Book of Leviticus, based upon
the Triennial Cycle, current in Palestine, we find
that the seven verses used by Yannai as texts
for his Kerobot exactly mark the beginning of
seven Sedarim, namely Sedarim 8 to 12, 17 and 18

41 sqpy "7D 52>) manp O“DI QNWNIN ODN yD Maw ND 4 TN,
Comp. pon aw ed. Buber, p. 25. It is strange that Elbogen,
in citing this passage, mistranslates it ‘“‘dass Yannai fiir
alle Festtage kerobot verfasst hat”? (Der jad. Gottesdienst, p.
309), whereas in a preceding chapter (bid., p. 286), he states
quite without any emphasis that “‘im Anschluss an die Peri-
kopen des dreijahrigen Zyklus wurden auch Piutim fir alle
Sabbate verfasst.”” Comp. also his Studien zur Gesch. d. pid.
Gottesdienstes, p. 47.

INTRODUCTION XXIll

of Leviticus.*? The phrase 1101770 53 of R. Ger-
shom now receives a fresh significance. It is for
the Sedarim of the Triennial Cycle that Yannai
composed his Kerobot. The weekly portions of
the Bible in the annual cycle are usually desig-
nated not as Sedarim but as nrwmp. We cannot,
of course, adduce this as positive evidence that
Yannai was a Palestinian, for it may be argued
that the Triennial Cycle was also current in a few
localities outside of Palestine. But it does prove
that in his liturgical compositions Yannai took
cognizance of the Palestinian rather than the Baby-
lonian usage. On the other hand, since we know
from Benjamin of Tudela that in Cairo, in 1170,
the reading of the law in the synagogue of the
“men of the land of Israel’ was completed in
three years,“ and since our fragments were found
in the Cairo Genizah, we have the full right to
assert that the Mahzor of Yannai was at one time
in use at the Palestinian Synagogues of Cairo.

42 In the Massora these Sedarim are designated as follows:
(8) ANDIP AWN IW eeN (9) AN ANN TAM (TO) 33 “AnNT AM
(11) WIND EOS ENT IDT (12) BND AWN (17) O3NIT ON WNT ION
(18) 9p wets, Comp. moma mxipe Venice, 1524. “1710 POX
moon “ay mun; Saphir, veo 1x II, 230-231; Friedmann,
sinon ma IIT, 230; Theodor, M. G. W. J., Vol. 35 (1886),
pp. 406-409; Biichler, J. Q. R., V, 420, etc. In the texts
given in the Hebrew part I place these designations at the
head of their respective Kerobot.

#3 See pos myo, ed. Asher, p. 98.

XXIV MAHZOR YANNAI

6. The Causes of the Neglect of Yannai’s

Compositions

It is most likely that Yannai’s Piyyutim were
neglected and gradually fell into desuetude and
were finally forgotten because of the fact that
they were so closely connected with the Triennial
Cycle and were so thoroughly Halakic in nature.
The opposition of men like Albargeloni to the
use of Piyyutim in the body of the prayers,
as well as the ineptitude of such subjects for de-
votional purposes, together with the fact that the
Triennial Cycle itself was discarded, were the
real factors that brought about the disappearance
of Piyyutim like those of Yannai. Kalir, on the
other hand, who took the substance of the 4gada
for his material, met with great popularity. Zunz
says that Kalir’s Piyyutim may be regarded in a
certain sense as poetic Pesiktas.** To character-
ize Yannai’s compositions in a similar way, we
may say that his Piyyutim are Halakic Mid-
rashim dressed in poetic garb.

“'G. V.2, 396.,, ‘Comp. also Rapoport, 2 'sny. p. 176.
From this point of view the Kaliric phrase mwt9 mim wn yy
‘smaymn (in his Piyyut nyox pws), rendered by Arnheim
“Neue Lieder und Tone der Dichtungen jubeln meine Lip-
pen” (nmxr Glogau u. Leipzig, 1840, p. 178), receive a fresh
meaning. It is “Dichtungen” which are supposed to take
on the nature of Midrashim. Comp. also Zunz, Litg., p. 33,
note 7.

INTRODUCTION XXV

7. Yanna and Kalir

The contrast between the popularity of Kalir
and the neglect of Yannai is perhaps the origin
of the legend, emanating from R. Ephraim of
Bonn, that Yannai, having become jealous of the
reputation of his pupil Kalir, threw a scorpion in
his shoe which caused his death.“ To take this
statement literally would certainly be absurd.
We must regard it merely as an idiom, undoubtedly
Oriental in origin, for expressing unfriendliness.
And while I am unable to find a parallel for it, I
have no doubt as to the correctness of the inter-
pretation. It merely points to some unpleasant
relations between Yannai and Kalir.*

One point more touching both Yannai and Kalir
must be cleared up before we proceed further in
the study of our poet. Until now we held with
Zunz that Kalir was “the Law giver”’ in the field
of Kerobot.‘7 We believed that it was he who
first developed the structure of the Kerobah.
But from our texts we will see that the Kerobah
had its structure already perfected in the liturgy
of Yannai. Whether he was the first to develop
it Or Not is not safe to assert. At all events/we
must take away the credit from Kalir, though it
remains true that the later Payyetanim modeled
their compositions after those of Kalir, as the
names Yopoxr,.>pem etc. indicate.4® Yannai’s

4 Comp. 197 012 VI, 25, cited below sect. 12, I.

4 Comp. also inn, N. Y., 1917, No. 22, p. 10.
SETI g Pi 29: 48 Jbid., p. 34, note I.

XXV1 MAHZOR YANNAI

compositions, though voluminous, must have dis-
appeared at a very early date, or at least remained
local, and had no influence on his successors.

8. The Structure of Yannai’s Kerobot

Let us then get a clear idea of the structure of
the Kerobah as formed by Yannai. This will
enable us to determine at a glance how much is
missing in some of the Kerobot given below in
the Hebrew part, and will also help us to decide
whether the Piyyut mnom~yacns, the single
Kerobah of Yannai found in print, has come down
to us complete or not.

A careful study of the text of our fragments will
show that the Kerobah of Yannai consists of the
following parts: *°

I. Magen (36). A poem inserted near the end
of the first benediction of the Amidah, always
containing half the Alphabet (from 8 to >) in
acrostic, and followed by the Biblical verse with
which the Seder of the Kerobah begins. This,
again, is followed by verses from other parts of
the Bible to which reference may have been made
in the poem.

49 All printed Keroboth, whether of Yannai or other
Payyetanim, are preceded by the introductory formula
oa ox2n pa; in our fragment, however, this introduction
is invariably missing. This in itself argues a later date for
this introduction. As an additional argument for its later
origin we may bring the fact that it consists of four riming
phrases modelled perhaps after Kalir’s “conclusions.” Yan-

nal always employs only three riming phrases in his “con-
clusions.”

INTRODUCTION XXVIl

I a. Conclusion to Magen (monn, later called
sna): A short verse, consisting of three riming
phrases,®° beginning with the same word with
which the preceding Biblical quotation concludes,»
and leading up to the idea characteristic of the
Benediction. This scheme of construction is not
new with Yannai, for it is already found in the
daily Kedushah. The piece beginning s13 > +7
so31 is nothing else but the nnn of the Kedushah.
It begins with the words with which the last Bib-
lical quotation of the Kedushah concludes, viz.:
mdor ty 79 ws PAN poy? a pom,°? and leads up to
the idea of the third benediction. Inthe Kedusha
for the Musaf service of Sabbath this scheme is

50 The “conclusions” in Kalir’s and later Kerobot in-
variably consist of four riming phrases.

8! The printers have often omitted the Biblical verses,
because they did not realize the relationship between the
verses and the “conclusions,” and have thereby caused the
opening of the “conclusions” to seem arbitrary. Further-
more, they generally inserted there the word jm to indicate
that from there the cantor should begin to chant. This, of
course, is a complete reversion of the original custom. For,
surely, before the age of printed prayer books it was the
Hazan who read the Piyyutim entire, not the congregation.
In this connection, it may be well worth citing the following
passage from the Responsum of R. Jair Hayyim Bachrach
(vx mn No. 238): ‘mae pips mn Now monn *D apr WAX TTS 4737
“Tra ODM pen Dy pr oan aN omanpn man xbw wow 77y
YONPS O32 INIA NAY ANID JD) AMAIA aNd tay OO ww YD OTD AbD
Tw pen ns pyys Ninw ,49) O33) DIN WDD omorww noo 14

DI|IA NW... pO n7y wysnsw nyd pr ...anD 135 Oo 7 ND OY OT
7. DMP) ows? AS pT 55> HATA OD AITVON WSN NIT ANDWw oy Wd

2 The word mn, being a response, was not taken into
consideration.

XXVill MAHZOR YANNAI

further developed thus: yrx7 92 899 MRIs WIT wp
wo is followed by omyx>bp yas; and ‘m2 43
ipay by isin wrod and NN ‘And nee pow
by 12> 817 IHN.

II. Mebayyeh (vn). A poem inserted near the
end of the second benediction of the Amidah,
completing the acrostic of the Alphabet (from ©
to n), followed by the next verse of the Seder
and other verses from various parts of the Bible.

II a. Conclusion to Mebayyeb. Similar in
structure to No. I, a.

III. A poem of a Messianic character contain-
ing the author’s name in acrostic, followed by
various Biblical verses.

TV. s358 9 wipans

This superscription is placed in our fragments
at the head of the Piyyutim which precede the
Kedusha, and together with which they take the
place of the third benediction in the repetition of
the Amidah by the Hazan (ywa min). In all
printed rituals these Piyyutim are headed by two
verses: Ps. 146:10 abon aay 99 yes PaeN Day? 7 qe
and Ps. 22:4 Ss mbnn avr wripansi; the former
is sometimes introduced by the word 19x» and to
the latter are appended the words s3 5x, without
any apparent connection. There is no connection
between the two verses themselves, nor between
them and the Piyyutim that precede or follow.
The difficulty with regard to Ps. 146:10 was not
even noticed by commentators and literary critics,
but the incongruity of the use of 35x received
the attention of a few scholars. Zunz regards the

INTRODUCTION XXIX

two words x25x as belonging to the quotation
from Ps. 22:4, but does not explain the connec-
tion. Arnheim (ad loc.) translates it by the
exclamation, “O Gott!” without any further
remark. Kobak takes it to be a sign that in cer-
tain communities Ps. 22:4 was immediately fol-
lowed by the Piyyut ypry;nohy>s35s omitting the
intervening poems. Berliner explains the pres-
ence of these two words in this place as follows:
In the Kerobot of Kalir, he says, the quotation
from Psalm 22:4 is always followed by a short
Piyyut beginning s35s and ending ons snip prn
winpt. In this respect, however, Kalir was not
always followed by the other Payyetanim, and as
a consequence many Kerobot do not have such a
Piyyut. To supply this omission some communi-
ties made use of the ancient prayer pryin adty> x3 x
and inserted here the words 839s as a reference
to that prayer. The printers, however, inserted
these words of reference even in Kerebot which
contained the short prayer in question, and the
result was all the more confusing. This is the
substance of Berliner’s remarks on this question.®

A thorough examination, however, of the Kero-
bot of Kalir and others will show that this state-
ment is entirely erroneous. First of all, we will
find that in most of Kalir’s Kerobot this par-
ticular section does not begin with s3>x. In
the Sabionetta Mahzor of 1560 the Kerobah ?*n nx
for the New Year is altogether without the words

8552 Pes p: 60: 44 mer VIT, p. 64.
5 Randbemerkungen, Il, p. 66.

XXX MAHZOR YANNAT

xo>s in this particular section; and even in
Kerobot where the words s3%s do occur at the
beginning of this particular section, it is evident
that they could not have been there originally.
The Kerobah of Kalir for Shekalim begins in the
Sabionetta edition o-ypan 53 syw> are s3 5s, but the
context plainly shows that there is no connection
between 35x and what follows. Secondly, we will
find that in no Kerobah is this section ever mis-
sing. It is true that it does not always begin
with x3 5x, but it is always present and always ends
with the word wp. There was, therefore, no
need of ever using the old prayer pryin ndty> 83 5s as
a substitute. The use of the words s35y in this
place must therefore have come about in some
other way.

To clear up all these difficulties I suggest the
following. The words ympanx and x35x were ori-
ginally used only as rubrics. Just as the first sec-
tion of the Kerobah is called 139 and the second
mn, so is this fourth section, consisting of two
parts, designated by the two rubrics wopans and
sibs. The reason for this is that since this sec-
tion is the beginning of the Piyyutim which take
the place of the third benediction, and since that
benediction begins wpanx, or ans wmsp according
to the Palestinian Ritual,** the poem was like-
wise designated as wpans.57 The second part of
this section, again, is always to be followed by

© Comp. Elbogen, Der jiid. Gottesdienst, p. 45.

57 This was preferable to an8 wp because it echoes the
Biblical verse Ps. 22:4.

INTRODUCTION XXXI1

the ancient prayer pynoy?sx3sos and therefore
was designated as x3>s. The whole section then
received the designation s3>x—wnpanx. The
copyist, however, failing to see the significance of
these catchwords, took wparns as an abbreviated
form of Ps. 22:4 and generously supplied the rest
of the verse, letting the words 35s stand.

To return now to the question how Ps. 146:10
has come to be introduced here. The fact that
our fragments show no trace of the use of this
verse in this connection might lead us to the
opinion that it is entirely due to the copyists.
But this is not so. The most plausible explana-
tion is this. This fourth section of the Kerobah
under discussion is in all MS. texts preceded by a
group of Biblical verses, which are of a Messianic
character. It is therefore natural that they should
conclude with Ps. 146:10 which speaks of Zion’s
God ruling forevermore. Hence it is not to be
taken as the heading of the following Piyyutim
but as the conclusion of the preceding group of
Biblical quotations. The printers, however, have
often omitted all the other verses and left this verse
stand by itself, causing thereby the prevalent mis-
comprehension that it is the heading of the fol-
lowing Piyyutim. The absence of this verse in
the Kerobot of our fragments may be explained on
the ground that these Kerobot were intended for
the ordinary Sabbaths, while all other known
Kerobot are for special Sabbaths or holidays.
That such a distinction was made may be seen
from the fact that in Yannai’s Kerobah “wa cnx

XXXII MAHZOR YANNAI

onom for the Great Sabbath this verse does
occur.

The first poem of this section, 1.e., the one desig-
nated as wiipanst, consists of a rimed passage
without any acrostic ending with the word wp.
The formula wp: on 813 Dp “Nn «was, in my
opinion, first used by Kalir, from whom it was
borrowed by all later Payyetanim. In Yannai
it does not occur.®® The second poem of this
section, i.e., the one referred to as 83x, contains
as acrostic only from the letter s to ° and is fol-
lowed by the ancient prayer pruyn ody? s35x.5? In
our fragments this prayer is not reproduced in full.

V. A poem with a complete acrostic of the al-
phabet headed by part of the Biblical text of the
Seder.

58 In the Piyyut onem “yp nx this passage concludes
with the words wp ana 813 BY which is the nearest approach
to the Kaliric formula. This, by the way, proves that the
reading wp is erroneous. The word e717 is to be taken as
a word by itself, a sort of response.

59 In this connection attention may be drawn to the
opinion of Rapoport (cited by Borges in 327 VII, 23) that
the prayer yun ody> s3 ox is the composition of Yannai,
forming in fact the complement to the Piyyut m29 ywn ts in
the Kerobah ovnsm “wan inasmuch as it completes the
acrostic, and that it was afterwards transferred to the
Kerobot of other Payyetanim. If this were the case it
would be difficult to explain the frequent use which Yannai
himself makes of this prayer in the Kerobot of our fragment.
I have no doubt that pan ody> x3 5s is much older than
Yannai, and that already in his time it was so well known
that it was only necessary to refer to it by the first two or
three words, as is done in our fragment.

INTRODUCTION XXXIll

VI. Another poem with a complete acrostic of
the alphabet, headed by one more verse from the
Seder and introduced by the word }23..

VII. A third alphabetic acrostic, likewise
headed with a verse from the Seder and introduced
by the word 23.

VIII. A poem, every word of which forms part
of an acrostic of the inverted alphabet (pwn)
without any introduction.®° [t always begins
with the words with which the preceding poem
concludes, and is followed by three sub-sections:

(a) A rimed passage without acrostic, lead-
ing up to the quotation from Isa. 6:3, indicated by
the catchword sp.

(b) A passage without rime, or acrostic, de-
veloping the idea of the threefold use of the word
viap and leading up to the quotation from Ezek.
3:12 indicated by the catchword onny>.?

(c) Continuation leading up to the quotation

60 In the Kerobah for Lev. 21, 1 (see Hebrew Text below),
this section is also introduced by the word 123. Altogether
it isa point well worth considering, whether the use of 123: in
this connection was not borrowed from the New Year liturgy,
and whether we should not expect a threefold use of this
formula corresponding to JID yn y23 W327 723, and Hp 23.
On the various responsa dealing with the question of how
many times 1231 is used in the New Year liturgy, see “wy IND,
p. 366, note 20. For the meaning of the word, comp. Zunz,
Sa, p425:

61 This corresponds to the opening passage of the Kedushah
(73°73).

6 Corresponds to the Kedushah passage beginning 8991123
poy.

XXXIV MAHZOR YANNAI

from Deut. 6:4, indicated by the catchword
pnyp.%

IX. Consists of an alphabetic acrostic followed
by a number of rimes of a Messianic character,
leading up to Num. 15:41, indicated by the
catchword nr.

Since the Kerobot were part of the Morning
Service, the presence of Deut. 6:4 in the Amidah
is another proof of Yannai’s Palestinian origin.
For we know from a responsum of Yehudai Gaon
that in Palestine the yow was recited in the
Kedusha of nny and not in that of »piw.®

9g. Yannai’s Kerobah for the Great Sabbath

If, now, we subject the Kerobah mnom“pe cnx
to the test of this scheme of construction, we shall
find that four out of the nine sections are wanting.
The first four sections are found complete, except-
ing that the Biblical verses before the two con-
clusions (i.e., Ia and II a) are wanting either
entirely or in part in printed editions.* These

68 Corresponds to the passage beginning 11pp».

* Corresponds to mx sincans. It is safe to assume that
there was a fifth part to this section, leading up to the quota-
tion of Ps. 146:10 and that its omission here is due either
to the defective state of our MSS. or to the fact that like
PIN TIN it was used only in the Kerobot for Festivals and
the New Year.

& Comp. Ginzberg, Geonica II, 48, etc. Ginzberg also
called attention to the fact that Kalir must have had the
yow in the Kedushah of nny (2bid., p. 420).

66 In the Sabionetta Mahzor some verses are cited but not
all; in the ordinary editions the verses are entirely omitted.

PN TRO DU) ett O.N XXXV

however, are found in three MSS. of the Jewish
Theological Seminary,®’ showing that the omis-
sions are due to the whims of the printer. The
next poem, MND o'Ds 31 tx, Since it is introduced by
the word j23) must, according to our scheme, be
taken for the sixth section, and the last poem,
beginning mb ppd PRD zDD and preceded by the
introductory phrase wp Ans *D AwMp mbyn 4> yon
yrns Sxqw, is certainly section VIIIa, since it is
without acrostic and leads up to the quotation
from Is. 6:3.

But here we are confronted with a number of
difficulties. First of all, according to our scheme,
section VIIIa is never introduced by 231; sec-
ondly, the introductory word }j23) is always fol-
lowed in Yannai’s liturgy by a Biblical verse
from the Seder, i.e. the Biblical portion of the week,
which is not the case here; and thirdly, how are
we to explain the use of the two successive
phrases, awisp mbyn qo yaa and nbd upd pxca yom the
one immediately following the other? ®* All these
difficulties, however, may be explained as follows.
A perusal of our printed Mahzor will show that
the pin, that is the poem which immediately pre-
cedes the Kedushah and corresponds to section
VIII in Yannai’s Kerobot, is always preceded by
the introduction nwmp mdbyn 95 329) with the further
differentiation, that in the Kerobot for the New

67 Comp. preface above.

68 The apparently ungrammatical construction of }8 °3 3231
7229 is obviated in certain texts (e.g., MS. C) by reading
PIB? PN 7231.

XXXvl MAHZOR YANNAI

Year this introductory phrase ends with mans °5
sboirms, in the Kerobot for the Day of Atone-
ment it ends with niprome qe wares ans’s and in
the Kerobot for all other occasions it ends with
yewror ostew wrap ans °2.69 In other words, the char-
acter of the day is indicated in the concluding
words of this introductory phrase. This intro-
ductory phrase is undoubtedly a later interpola-
tion and does not belong to the original composi-
tion. Like the introduction onan oon DD in
which the same method is adopted,’”° it must
have been introduced by some later Payyetan.
His object undoubtedly was to indicate the pip of
each Kerobah.

Bearing this in mind we may explain the con-
struction of the last section in the Kerobah under
discussion as follows. The word jo of the
phrase nb) puno px a yaa is really the remnant of
section VII, which, according to our scheme,
should be preceded by 22» and a Biblical verse.
This verse, however, has been lost, together with
the entire section VII, leaving only its introduc-
tory word.

The beginning of the section under discussion,
in its original state, was really n> qd pon and is
really section VIIIa. But the copyist erroneously

69 Since this is based on Is. 43: 3 Tend PNT WITIP TAN °% 938 13
The reading yes: common in all editions is incorrect.

70 For 779 it ends with 758 *35 yand) mond oonsnnat moans °D ANN|N
ONIN IIIN Dar 35D, for par it ends with mp 75p ‘32 ...nnNDN
ony? nop, while for the festivals it ends with o321 Yw3 *p ANNES
BssyO yaw "3p Sond: mrad,

INTRODUCTION XXXVI1

fused the introductory word }>2 that was left of
section VII with the section immediately follow-
ing it. And since the eighth section was also lost
this poem was taken for the pba of the Kerobah,
and the copyist prefixed the introduction 7 j22
ww SNe wp ANS "D2 AVP Abyn to make it conform
with all other Kerobot. In reproducing this
Kerobah in this volume the word j23 is restored
to its proper place and the missing sections, viz.,
V, VII, VIII, VIII b, c and [X are so indicated.

The poem amna ats which in some rituals is
placed immediately before section VIIla™ is cer-
tainly an interpolation of the copyists intended to
take the place of the missing poem (VIII). Zunz
lists it among anonymous compositions 7” and
Rapoport ascribes it to a certain Menahem with-
out giving his reasons for it.” At all events it is
not the composition of Yannai, and the rituals
which assign it for the Musaf service of the Great
Sabbath * are more correct in their tradition.

In MS. B the poem omnaate5 is not only
placed immediately before section VIIIa as it is
done in some rituals, but is preceded by a mw
with a partial acrostic of the Alphabet (from s to
3). This only shows to what extent the medi-
aeval scribes took liberties with the liturgic
material at hand, and how arbitrary they were in
their arrangement of compositions. For there is
certainly no place for a men in this part of the

71 Comp. Dewan ayy Amst. 1717. 12 ao 80;
73 Comp. ton VII, p. 23.
7 Comp. wap nvm Venice, 1600.

XXXVIl1 MAHZOR YANNAI

Kerobah, and it is almost evident on the face of it
that the mw and the piyyut omnp ats do not
belong to the same author. The myn, however,
is an interesting composition in itself. It seems
to date from Geonic times, for the poet uses the
expression Mand (wN apy “asa Mea and it gives
additional support to the theory advanced above
that the Hazan took the place of the Darshan
in the statement found at the end of the poem,
VIZ., MIDIS IN TWIT DpH.

For this reason and also because it is entirely
unknown, it is reproduced in this volume together
with the texts of Yanna. }

One more point of interest gained from this MS.
is that the whole series of Piyyutim which we
designate as Kerobah is termed there xnwrp.

10. The Fragments of Mahzor Yannat.

The fragments of Mahzor Yannai have had an
interesting history in themselves. When Professor
Schechter “had unearthed the literary débris of
ages, accumulated in the Cairo Genizah, and
brought his great ‘hoard of Hebrew Manuscripts’
to Cambridge, the collection was unexpectedly
found to comprise some leaves from a disused
Synagogue copy of Aquila’s Greek version of the
Old Testament with portions of that curious and
famous translation in early uncial writing still
legible beneath the Hebrew of a later century.”
(Taylor, in the preface to his book mentioned
below.) Facsimiles of these palimpsests were

INTRODUCTION XXXIX

published and their Greek contents edited in two
volumes, “Fragments of the Book of Kings, ac-
cording to the translation of Aquila,” by F. C.
Burkitt in 1897, containing 6 plates, and “‘ He-
brew-Greek Cairo Genizah Palimpsests” by C.
Taylor in 1900, containing 11 plates. A photo-
graph of Plate IV of Burkitt’s volume is repro-
duced in the Jewish Encyclopedia, s.v. Aquila,
and in M. L. Margolis, ““The Story of the Bible
Pransiations,, ‘Philadelphia, 1917, p!42.4"As far
as the Hebrew texts. in these palimpsests are
concerned, nine of the 11 plates in Taylor’s book
were identified as pieces from Yerushalmi and
Midrash. But the Hebrew of the first two
plates and that of the six plates in Burkitt’s book
remained until now unidentified. These I have
now identified as leaves from Mahzor Yannai.

Yannai’s authorship of the compositions con-
tained in these MSS. cannot be doubted. His
name occurs four times in four acrostics, each time
in the same section of the Kerobah (in our scheme
No. III). Fortunately, the Hebrew of plate I
of Taylor’s book is a continuation of plate II in
Burkitt’s book, whereas the Greek of these two
plates represents two entirely different parts of
the Bible .(Ps.\ xxi and) 3; Kings xxi 'respee-
tively). Dr. Taylor suggested that what we have
before us were the leaves of “a synagogue copy
of Aquila’s Greek version.” With equal as-
surance we may assert that in their second state,
that of palimpsests, these leaves were part of a
synagogue copy of the long-lost Mahzor of Yannai.

xl MAHZOR YANNAI

11. The Contents, Diction and Orthography of
the. Fragments

A study of the contents of our fragments shows
that Yannai combined in his Piyyutim the ele-
ments of both the Halaka and the Agada, and
that he followed a well-defined plan in the arrange-
ment of his material. The first two sections of
the Kerobah, as well as the fourth and the ninth,
are all Agadic in character. The third section,
the one in which his name always occurs in the
acrostic, is always of a Messianic nature, while
the fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth deal with the
Halaka related to the Seder of the Kerobah. Of
the ninth section, our fragment offers only one
example,” and from its fragmentary nature we
may conclude that it is Agadic with a Messianic
conclusion.

For his sources Yannai drew not only upon the
Babylonian and Palestinian Talmudim, but also
upon the Midrashim Leviticus Rabba and both
Tanhbumas. What is very striking is that in the
selection of Biblical verses which always follow
the first two sections of the Kerobah, Yannai uses
the identical verses which Lev. R. uses for its
Proems:® This can hardly “be” regarded as’ ‘ac-
cidental. It seems more plausible that Yannai
had before him the Midrash of Leviticus Rabba
very much in the form which it has before us

7 Comp. Hebrew part p. 4.

7° Comp. the Biblical verses in Fragments ‘2, 1 and ’n
with those used for proems in Lev. R. s. 16, 18 and 19.

INTRODUCTION xh

now, in which case we are safe in assuming that
he flourished not earlier than the middle of the
seventh century.

The subject matter of the Piyyutim in our
fragments may seem to us inappropriate for poetic
treatment and unseemly for public presentation.
The laws of leprosy and bodily uncleanliness are
certainly not calculated for religious services ac-
cording to our modern notions; not so, however,
to the men of those times. The Midrash, in its
quaint manner of couching every idea in some form
of Biblical exegesis, states its attitude towards
this question in the following way: ‘One verse
says: ‘His locks are curled and black as a raven’
(Song of Songs v:11) and another verse reads:
“His aspect is like Lebanon, excellent as the cedars’
(ibid., v:15). R. Samuel, the son of Isaac, applies
these verses to the weekly portions of the Bible.
Although some of them may appear too black and
ugly to be read in public, such as the laws of im-
purity and plagues, menses and child-birth, yet
the Holy One, blessed be He, said they were
pleasant tomes (77

As to the diction of Yannai, our fragments con-
firm the opinion expressed by Luzzatto 78 on the
basis of the printed Kerobah onam “wasn that he
indulges rarely in difficult and unusual forms
and that he makes frequent use of metaphorical

77 Comp. Lev. R. s. 19: ‘A w?nw] any2 NoNY ION INN 3n2
pns’ na Osiow 9... [17 ,ow] DN. ND 713999 ANID TON ANN AnD [87
POw> nmnws nyo 7 RD Masaw “ays ann ow mnrwaps Xp anD
Soy may yn a7apn wes nq ass ys AI Mma5A 739 oa

78 Comp. his ‘ne? 830 p. II.

xhii MAHZOR YANNAI

expressions.”? His style is by far simpler than
that of Kalir.

In its orthography, our manuscripts present a
number of peculiarities. Aside from the fact that
almost all words are written plene, the letter 3
is sometimes used in place of a yap and the: for a
bsp; 8° and the words m and on>x are always writ-
ten t,o x, the latter mostly in quotations from
the Bible.*!. In reproducing the text I have ad-
hered closely to the orthography of the MSS.
Another interesting point is that in one place
we find the consonant n rime with y.® The simi-
larity in the pronunciation of these two letters,
common in Samaritan speech,® is ascribed in the
Talmud also to the men of Galilee.** But accord-

79 Here are some of the unusual forms found in our Frag-
ments. Fragment 8. pnp (1. 2%), mawys (I. 4*), D3 (1. 8°), nx
and mr> (1. 11°) dry (1. 13%). Fragment 3, ja (1. 2°), por
(1. 3°). Fragment 7, %8n (1. 64). Fragment 1, m=20 (1, 22°).
Fragment 1,523> (1. 12). Metaphorical expressions: meow
for the Greeks (Fragment 8 |. 34); 1m3= God (Fragment 3
1.12). smn ywiwap = Jewish people (Fragment 1 |. 11°).

80 Comp. nevi for navi in Fragment 21. 20; tynia for
wy (ibid., 1. 32); M2anp and qwnp for nusp and 7p in Frag-
ment} 1. 2, 20; 17y for Fy and ys» for ysp in Fragment 3
) Asi ite

81 Comp. Fragments 8 J. 19; 31. 8, 14, 19; 31.18; 11.8,
19; 1185/20:

8 In Fragment 7 1. 46 the words nys3 and ays. rime with
mnyp and nms3x. Another instance of this is found in the
Kerobah mnamsmacns section II* where 8.4 and y rime
together.

8 Comp. Cowley, The Samaritan Liturgy, Vol. 2, p. xxxv.

8 Comp. b. Erubin 53°.

INTRODUCTION xlili

ing to some grammarians an instance of it is also

found in the Bible.®

12. Texts Relating to Yannai Arranged
Chronologically

Abi Yisuf Yakub Al-Kirkiséni (fl. first half of
the tenth century).

A. From Kziiab Al-Anwar, cited by Harkavy,
without indicating the chapter, in Ha-Magid 1879
(vol. 23, p. 359) and in abbreviated form, with
slight modifications in the text and translation,
in his myo 37 wt p. 107.

70 ANPPN IS Oy 1D Sy TPT PINs, SAM yD pys opr spr
sow MOND pmims paipns p> “sy :ONp 86[ANND>N WN] DANN
wast Asn oy DAN 7 ANOS ND OND wma ND>bD “n> poor
Ipod OTs iI Nappy, =A Pw ISN AINONP. 2. MII
AVN MAXON WINt D8 PIS ADS 3D NIN TD INN NNW
-OAYI OAI|DIWYINT 83" ON 09 mtr
*‘One who upholds the opinions of the Rabbis 87
has already argued and refuted those who say
that the prayers are taken from the Psalms. In-
asmuch as the Scriptures say ‘that they may offer
sacrifices of sweet savour unto the God of heaven,
and pray for the life of the king, and his sons’
[Ezra 6:10], how could the prayer for the life of
Darius and his sons, he argues, be taken from the
Psalms. . . . Furthermore, there is another proof
from the verse: “Bless ye God in full assemblies,
even the Lord, ye that are from the fountain of
Israel’ [Ps. 68:27]. By this he meant the sages

& 1 Kings 18, 21.

86 These two words are omitted in m™yp 329 3.

87 Harkavy (ad loc.) maintains that this refers to Saadia.

xliv MAHZOR YANNAI

of Israel who composed and brought forth many
hymns and songs of praise to God, such as Yannai,
Elazar and Phineas and others.”’

B. Jbid., chapter 1, section 2, paragraph 11. See
ed. of Harkavy in Transactions of the Imperial
Russian Archaeological Society [Zapiski], St.
Petersbourgh, 1894, p. 284, ll. 16-22, cited pre-
viously by him in asyp 7421 pp. 107-108, and in
his 5sw-a minaa nmap, given as supplement to the
Hebrew translation of Graetz’s History (“25
aw, vol. 3, Pp. 503-504, 5065).

.mO>Oy *D yy" 7 MD yD? Dds PINDIDN ONNPNI NOONY INDI

70 PY SNND NDP’ MANIA ND AIS ADNHOoSX OX “xT py com

NEI NON TOIp yD Cw NOT IW D> TINT CcINTYoN CON IND INON

M228 Dp [FOND “D=N 3, FOND NO NON PINDPN Sip °® wows md

DOD .DONON TY YUN TN Pat NIN Ty YIN “TON PA PID INT
ONS) FAINT OD ANT NT IPF TSN PN 7D NOY"

“He was well versed in Rabbinic lore and no one
among the Rabbis disputed his learning, and it is
related of Hai, the head of the Academy, that he
and his father translated the work of Anan from
Aramaic into Hebrew, and they found nothing
that could not be traced back to Rabbinic sources,
excepting that which is in the part relating to
the first-born ®® and the distinction he made

88 In this place the passage of Kirkisani is erroneously
given in the discussion of chapter 13.

89 Bacher assumes this passage to refer to the “first-born
of cattle” (J.Q.R. VII, p. 700). Harkavy (ayo 29373) p.
108 note 3) suggests that Anan possibly held that the law
of primogeniture applied to both, the one who was the
father’s first-born as well as the one who was the mother’s
first-born, and that he based himself upon the passage
mwxd 23 5) yxd 22 52..m27 found in Yannai’s Kerobah ‘nx

INTRODUCTION xlv

between those who sprang from Jews and those
who sprang from other people. These they did
not know where Anan took until they found it in
the Hazanut, i.e. Liturgy, of Yannai.’”’ Harkavy
justly remarks that the Hai mentioned here is not
Hai the son of Sherira, but Hai b. David who
lived in Bagdad for many years before he was
elevated to the Gaonate, and that if it is true that
R. Hai occupied himself with the Book of Laws of
Anan it was perhaps with the purpose of refuting
it (ibid., pp. 108, 506). Ginzberg (Geonica I,
158) likewise throws suspicion on the passage,
pointing out the absurdity of the statement that
in the entire work of Anan only two points of law
could not be traced to Rabbinic sources, whereas
in truth “there are barely two lines in his book
that are in agreement with the Rabbinical au-
thorities.”” His second objection that there was
no reason for translating from Aramaic since the
Babylonian Jews understood Aramaic equally as
well as Hebrew, would be obviated if we follow
the reading of Joseph Albasr in his swxanps>x asn>
where this passage of Kirkisani is quoted, saying
that Hai and his father translated Anan’s work
into Arabic, maryos°>x Fras yo. But even if we
doubt the statement concerning the translation,
there is no reason to doubt that Yannai’s liturgic
compositions served Anan as an Halakic source.

mnaniswp. This is not unlikely, but we must not overlook
the fact that Yannai himself borrowed this phrase from the
Pesikta (see ed. Friedman, fol. 87°).

xlvi MAHZOR YANNAI

C. Ibid., Chapter 12 (?), section 39, cited by
Harkavy in his ayyo sym p. 108.
INNDON DIN (DAY ANTIN NO 727 °D OND FIND ININY SOND
SP TON MIND “DON NOTINN INT ONT AINTT yO TIS NO IT
“Thy ANT DONS Tay Andon
Harkavy translates this passage as follows:

npoy md NIT NANA WNID WO INDY AD TMD DN py Do
DDIT SSN TIDYNS WONY 7D NT OY) SNS °D NIT YN NIN 7D
<Oxiw 12 538 5 9) To3x nds

To this he adds the note 7pxo7 WN Not aI °nds Int
SWHIDIT NIT ASTD? Fs aa. ins Sy Hay> Sow N85 SONA
on ossy Sse Oss ysm pa ponn pays mbyn> sony
Without attempting to elucidate this obscure pas-
sage, it is sufficient for our purpose to note that
according to Kirkisani, Anan made use of Yannat’s
liturgical work.

Saadia Gaon, ben ‘foseph (892-942).

D. From the Arabic introduction to j*s8755D
(Harkavy, ayo 3737191, p. 51).
yDopr powwoy sqywhs Sip po my INWNDN TN MNT ND On
siywos Sip yD NON FOF NPYD ONEDI YwWITs IWYPNT “NIN CDT
$870 MIP IND PD TONN? NON NW IDIN TIN NOD NON PIIPNON
“Then, what I saw that I could support with
evidence from the words of the ancient poets,
Jose b. Jose, Yannai, Elazar, Joshua and Phineas,
I did so. But from the words of the poets who
are near us in time you will not find me mention-
ing them except to praise those whose words are
acceptable.”

From this it is evident that the ;ruxn1 |p con-
tained quotations from the writings of Yannai.

Fehudi ben Sheshet, a pupil of Dunash ibn Labrat
(fl. in the tenth century).

INTRODUCTION xlvil

E. From nmvw jax enm mown s.v. jan (ed. Stern,
P. 37). WYER DWNT 3D PwT Sy a3 Dy wa ~NNTD TON I
DWP “DD VP PI, OND WS ND AN NOT 1D TANS Top

#1.) IY M|D PT JDTMDY

Anonymous (from the School of Saadia).

F. From Schechter, Saadyana, p. 73, |. 24

TYAN NT WD MI os TW Nt ON NIWNI pr at oe

It is worth noting that there is a striking simi-
larity between the two metaphoric expressions
MyONNYP wane in this and ownp poy in
the preceding quotation.

G. Ibid., p. 136. Fragment li, verso, line 1-4.

JOVI ADINPN AYNND NPP? OID IND yrp9K 111/25 DOP dws
AIYOOS (83 DIP OND IST May Aya IP MBps Siw pripds

“And the third species is rimed prose. It is ar-
ranged rhythmically, so that the final words are
connected with each other. But the meter is
sometimes long and sometimes short, as for in-
stance, the poetic compositions of the celebrated
Yannai.”

R. Gershom ben Fehuda (960-1028).

H. From a responsum cited in ypon‘baw (ed.
Buber, fol. 13a).

xow ann os> munwnp, neyo S73r owes ow
DNDITA OM MWA WN ID Oy Ona Ayan TNs mamp db|annd

90 This is according to the correction of S. Pinsker, in
neaeip wip», p. 158. The reading of ed. Stern, followed
by Dukes in mop >on p. 2, note 1, and Harkavy in m3
myD p. 106, note 4, 1s NXtD TAN 81,

% Pinsker, oc. cit., reads O>7y.

% Comp. Dan. 3, 5. *% Comp. Esther 1, 5.

xlvill MAHZOR YANNAI

IMD Dad AoRwI ne TARY yO PIO PNW? ON woot “DN
MNS 3 MWK ID OTN 94 FINwo, srw naw Sex pI
SD" 73D NIT CD wy ons wow ama... 3303 av? yt 94714
33nd} — DMD, WD — WII ANNA wD — 733 PoRw uw
7... ODT oY Sy MWA WNW ,OvT WDD — ow owas jovnd
595) MINDIDI MIND POYD PIOINW . 9787 NI ONINIS 3] Sw Ny
ADMD TAIN “IDF [3] 33 PII wpa 93M 939 5999 Ab|M Ad|aNn
DM MW WNID ,ADID AMS Pyd mdI133 MII O53 WIN ANDI
Mw .man DIN D7 AND Aywnsar nips Ms IT ANp IT
TDD OY ANSNM ANN Py MDI AID FID PADINY API TD
wr Dy 9.5 Paw T7apn Sw naw DT TIN NIT OMDIN YEON
May cer scan 2d Don Paw Owe ow DN 7p W199 335
px sawn baby anpr itp 55> mianp p™p) Own a DIN 3D
>on bab manp yma awn oes yo Tp 72 TydS 4
DIO NSP DTN LAD OMIT AN MIT MN MaNa VIM
DIMIYI WIN O83 Tam a> $25 map psp mT 913 Daw 9x7
DD OW? AaMpP wrv|r mn Oy aNw wyT 333 aw .7DIT
ADIDA PyH VII Wann» Wd Ass ADIT aI 3y WS MDI TNs}
NIwWN IND IY 7.n’apn naw yaw mamp ya? sor yo THNd>D wr

27) TOIT UND Ow 33D

% The force of the > in xv and 1° is hortative, 1.e., 98w
and 798°.

% Here ends the quotation from the Responsum of R. Na-
tronai and what follows are the words of R. Gershom him-
self. The expressions wt mewn and ‘27 y=¥ in their present
context do not fit well. I would suggest one slight correc-
tion. The passage should read 7p'yt ....h3 mw pera pron
‘DT THY ...7373 933 PIDINAY,

% The responsum was also published by Landshuth
(nMayn “nay, p. 102) from a MS. onxin nwye by Zedekiah
Anaw, which he says was bought by the Bodleian Library
in 1854. Neubauer lists it as upon ‘Yaw under No. 659. See
Add. to his Cat. p. 1153. Prof. Marx found in the covers of
an old book two MS. leaves, one of which contains the
above responsum, but it is no part of the »pon aw as the
remaining passages show. It has also the important variant
mpp by mamp pyar mn Syma pony nyow exndp 9 on instead of 92>
pin. It is possible that this leaf is part of the asin Avyn
mentioned by Landshuth.

INTRODUCTION xlix

R. Epbraim ben ‘facob of Bonn (b. 1133-d.
after 1196).

I. From a liturgical MS. communicated by
Zunz to Rapoport and published by the latter in
spniens Vis p. 25.
sowie 7 TD NInw Dd yT ON) Jono wa NN
DMDIN 3D STIS ODN PN TANTIIAN PIs 553 Das op 13 aTydS

aba orm yYoysaa aapy »> Sym adn aryvos 3 sspnsw roy
2 72 89 os Poy pooinn 93%

Anonymous.

J. In MS. Munich 69 is found the following
statement, cited by Zunz, Literaturgeschichte, p. 28,
note 4. ‘2p ary2s8 9 Oy 137 O83. 93D. "ODS 3 IN,

K. From I. Davidson, Poetic Fragments from
the Genizah I (J.Q.R., N.S., Vol. 1., pp. r0og-111).
“IND SpA ts WOT Sa yt. 1197 S93 nodyw 47> ox

$2) MDIN NYY AMIN WawS ..oT Ns TTD “DT MD My
SPN TINY. sD IMS prn ows os WS mews AD!

: 1c
Wy nih ‘

oO; \

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een, &

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QSH3 WS AID OD NyoIw Ap 95

DANS 2 PD N|aodw3

ny
S338 NIDOI MIT yn

bahia)

PIT TUST SSI w

MDD Nvyn ays
Pal ye)

Sete sh iby any

DIN "3
SP™YORI AWN OUI wD m2 ASIN

Dvyrn

} ean fi

Le tf
EAN

ohn

Dy
227 UN
1... ee ee J IND IP AWN IN WN WNIDD TAMNp :8 Tw
EEA ey be es MAN MNT IT WD> AaMp :3 Mw
PN cs el Sake Aaa yu cnn as p> Aanp :3 Tw
ene eae MPD WS WNT IIT WD) AMP 33 Iw
LOVE amen ts 393 AWN WD? AIP =a Iw
SiN) ew pan OS TONT TONY IWID> MaMp :3 Tw
71 SD RU NEM. Ut DP" WRI IIT WID> Aap 33 Mw
BO iad iJ ne naan a, Seg mwn we? NnyoY 2 Tw
Cy RD Me an es RL ae PAR SG AF Sym naw? manp
Blids eA Gtr ones AY HN ee POE ere Sek Rens npp> xnysaw
44. FUSER oho a ee, de nle assets ea Gate ene 77D) nw

BG io oe iol ue) erage veivense cis) tein: pete woilwitenpenss MpDW nviyr

eHie is peue ig te aerrttere ec cuee ae Ue ante or eee ea LoRE

pos poe mwa myMAn WDD “by Ws Aw pT by ayn ponn

Mat WS

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